My Essay
I'm bored and I should be studying but instead of writting a blog i'm going to post my essay on urban survival in Sub-Saharan Africa. Maybe i will write a quiz on it latter to test you ..... ummm
African urban livelihoods have been damaged by international economic instability in the 1970s, which was particularly harsh on less developed economies, and the Structural Adjustment policies of the 1980s /1990s. Traditional views held that urban areas were advantaged by African governments over rural areas (Zeleza 1999, p46), evidence now suggests that this situation has been equalised and sometimes reversed (Jamal and Weeks 1988, p274). In assessing strategies used in difficult times we should examine: ease of adopting a particular strategy, potential to provide means of survival (either through providing money or necessary goods / services), time commitment required to make the endeavour worthwhile, danger involved (from competitors, regulators, or inherent) and potential for the strategy to actually increase / create new types of hardship. Only rarely do these ‘coping strategies’ meet more than very basic needs. We will examine the following strategies: urban agriculture, the informal sector, and migration in the context of changing rural-urban linkages.
Urban agriculture is a popular response to problems arising from economic hardship either diminished income or increased difficulty in buying food (consider WWII here). It appears there has been a marked increase in its use since Structural Adjustment (Binns 1998, Table 1 p781). Urban agriculture can be practiced either at home or on unused land throughout the city. Differences in governments’ approaches make urban agriculture more or less attractive; in Zimbabwe the government has made clear its intention not to tolerate urban agriculture whilst in Malawi it was encouraged. In larger and more densely populated cities like Lagos and larger South African cities the landscape does not leave space for much agriculture (Potts 1997, p898). However it seems clear that this has become an important means of attempting to meet a family’s nutritional need. It is often possible to find unused space on which to grow food so this strategy is quite easy to adopt (although see Potts 1997, p899 for possible ethnic bars). It is unlikely to generate much income as vegetable selling is a thankless task with little monetary return (Nelson 1979, p293 it seems to have got no better since: Nelson 1997, p164 and Kathy Bakker lectures 2005 re: the Gambia) however in terms of nutritional value it can be essential. Since crop growing is generally undertaken by women (Zeleza 1999, p54) it increases the pressures on their time. Richer people who own larger plots might be able to grow crops that are saleable and hence generate income, but for most it is a strategy primarily for feeding a family, not providing income.
Most people in cities still support themselves primarily through non-agricultural work. Since Structural Adjustment and the disappearance of public sector jobs and the failure of formal private jobs to emerge, jobs in the formal sector are scarce and often the pay is well below that required to meet basic needs (Potts Lecture handout 7-10-05). The informal sector was always present, but seems to have expanded and is now utilised by many more people (Potts 2000, p883). Those activities with low start up costs are the most accessible (especially for women), unfortunately this leads to many more people in the industry and reduced incomes for those participating. The more profitable industries have higher entry costs and are therefore only open to the better off. The informal sector is not just the preserve of the poor, middle class people with formal jobs but salaries that are worth less and less are able to make use of their formal sector contacts and facilities to promote their informal endeavours. This strategy is popular since it is able to provide second or third incomes for workers and new incomes for non-working family members, barriers to entry are low, although risks may be high.
The primary driver behind rural to urban migration in the past was the income gap and access to better services (Potts 1997, p879), now incomes have levelled and government service provision has been slashed under Structural Adjustment those advantages are diminished. Some cities in the Zambian Copper belt are even experiencing net out-migration (Potts Forthcoming, p103) in many others natural increase seems now to be the main reason for urban population growth (ibid pp99-104). People are choosing to return to rural areas sooner than might have happened in the past. This takes several forms, the return of whole families, children only, or in some cases just one spouse who uses family land to supply food for those still in town (Potts 1997, p890). Small towns have become more popular since they provide easy access to farms (ibid p896). The change in rural-urban linkages with the flow of resources and people reversing shows the severity of problems facing African urban dwellers. It is a reversal of the modernising trend promoted by governments and endorsed by citizens since independence. It might be easier to feed a family in the country and general living costs are likely to be less although the work will be harder. But this is not a popular option for urban dwellers as the out-migration trend does not seem to be universal or huge, there may be many reasons for this including the high proportion of people now born in the cities, future earning opportunities, access to rural land having been lost, dangers in rural areas or the fact that services for those with some money are still likely to be better and more available in the cities.
It has not been possible to examine every strategy utilised. Some exceptions are rental, remittances from abroad and food supplies from country relatives. The schemes highlighted here are not universal, every country, indeed every city, by virtue of very different needs and opportunities develops different strategies to cope with economic hardship. Despite the shocking performance of many sub-Saharan African economies over the last twenty years inhabitants of the cities have not been starving (although they may not be receiving adequate nutrition) so the strategies outlined here and others must help provide the means to meet at least the most basic needs.
I'm impressed if you've got this far thats the end well done!
African urban livelihoods have been damaged by international economic instability in the 1970s, which was particularly harsh on less developed economies, and the Structural Adjustment policies of the 1980s /1990s. Traditional views held that urban areas were advantaged by African governments over rural areas (Zeleza 1999, p46), evidence now suggests that this situation has been equalised and sometimes reversed (Jamal and Weeks 1988, p274). In assessing strategies used in difficult times we should examine: ease of adopting a particular strategy, potential to provide means of survival (either through providing money or necessary goods / services), time commitment required to make the endeavour worthwhile, danger involved (from competitors, regulators, or inherent) and potential for the strategy to actually increase / create new types of hardship. Only rarely do these ‘coping strategies’ meet more than very basic needs. We will examine the following strategies: urban agriculture, the informal sector, and migration in the context of changing rural-urban linkages.
Urban agriculture is a popular response to problems arising from economic hardship either diminished income or increased difficulty in buying food (consider WWII here). It appears there has been a marked increase in its use since Structural Adjustment (Binns 1998, Table 1 p781). Urban agriculture can be practiced either at home or on unused land throughout the city. Differences in governments’ approaches make urban agriculture more or less attractive; in Zimbabwe the government has made clear its intention not to tolerate urban agriculture whilst in Malawi it was encouraged. In larger and more densely populated cities like Lagos and larger South African cities the landscape does not leave space for much agriculture (Potts 1997, p898). However it seems clear that this has become an important means of attempting to meet a family’s nutritional need. It is often possible to find unused space on which to grow food so this strategy is quite easy to adopt (although see Potts 1997, p899 for possible ethnic bars). It is unlikely to generate much income as vegetable selling is a thankless task with little monetary return (Nelson 1979, p293 it seems to have got no better since: Nelson 1997, p164 and Kathy Bakker lectures 2005 re: the Gambia) however in terms of nutritional value it can be essential. Since crop growing is generally undertaken by women (Zeleza 1999, p54) it increases the pressures on their time. Richer people who own larger plots might be able to grow crops that are saleable and hence generate income, but for most it is a strategy primarily for feeding a family, not providing income.
Most people in cities still support themselves primarily through non-agricultural work. Since Structural Adjustment and the disappearance of public sector jobs and the failure of formal private jobs to emerge, jobs in the formal sector are scarce and often the pay is well below that required to meet basic needs (Potts Lecture handout 7-10-05). The informal sector was always present, but seems to have expanded and is now utilised by many more people (Potts 2000, p883). Those activities with low start up costs are the most accessible (especially for women), unfortunately this leads to many more people in the industry and reduced incomes for those participating. The more profitable industries have higher entry costs and are therefore only open to the better off. The informal sector is not just the preserve of the poor, middle class people with formal jobs but salaries that are worth less and less are able to make use of their formal sector contacts and facilities to promote their informal endeavours. This strategy is popular since it is able to provide second or third incomes for workers and new incomes for non-working family members, barriers to entry are low, although risks may be high.
The primary driver behind rural to urban migration in the past was the income gap and access to better services (Potts 1997, p879), now incomes have levelled and government service provision has been slashed under Structural Adjustment those advantages are diminished. Some cities in the Zambian Copper belt are even experiencing net out-migration (Potts Forthcoming, p103) in many others natural increase seems now to be the main reason for urban population growth (ibid pp99-104). People are choosing to return to rural areas sooner than might have happened in the past. This takes several forms, the return of whole families, children only, or in some cases just one spouse who uses family land to supply food for those still in town (Potts 1997, p890). Small towns have become more popular since they provide easy access to farms (ibid p896). The change in rural-urban linkages with the flow of resources and people reversing shows the severity of problems facing African urban dwellers. It is a reversal of the modernising trend promoted by governments and endorsed by citizens since independence. It might be easier to feed a family in the country and general living costs are likely to be less although the work will be harder. But this is not a popular option for urban dwellers as the out-migration trend does not seem to be universal or huge, there may be many reasons for this including the high proportion of people now born in the cities, future earning opportunities, access to rural land having been lost, dangers in rural areas or the fact that services for those with some money are still likely to be better and more available in the cities.
It has not been possible to examine every strategy utilised. Some exceptions are rental, remittances from abroad and food supplies from country relatives. The schemes highlighted here are not universal, every country, indeed every city, by virtue of very different needs and opportunities develops different strategies to cope with economic hardship. Despite the shocking performance of many sub-Saharan African economies over the last twenty years inhabitants of the cities have not been starving (although they may not be receiving adequate nutrition) so the strategies outlined here and others must help provide the means to meet at least the most basic needs.
I'm impressed if you've got this far thats the end well done!
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2:59 am
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